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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

16

establish a genuinely fair tax policy to finance this investment and produc-

tion. But it does not. It could act as a community of nations who stand

side-by-side to tackle the refugee crisis. It could –and should– comply with

international law, the Geneva Convention, the New York Protocol, the EU

Charter of Fundamental Rights and the European Convention on Human

Rights. But it does not. It could develop a genuine European security poli-

cy to counter threats that clearly transcend national security. But there is

not the slightest hint of cooperation or a unified direction to tackle terror-

ism and the deadly strategy of Islamic State.

All this leads us to the central obstacle that must be overcome to pro-

vide sufficient means to respond with what the peoples of Europe expect

from their politicians: the implementation of decisive measures. When all

is said and done, this is a political crisis, whose solution requires, above all

else, political action. It is an institutional problem, underpinned by the

dynamic described in the contribution by Jonás Fernández, which creates

obstacles to action by the European Parliament and Commission, precise-

ly at a moment when political will should strengthen them.

At a time when history appears to be moving in the opposite direction,

the call for more Europe may fall on weary ears. However, we must not

give in to this weariness. Europe’s political crisis lies not in the lack of

strengths of the EU but in the lack of badly needed leadership. As Ana

Belén Sánchez and Vicente Palacio show, we have seen such leadership in

other areas, such as the fight against climate change. The crisis, or crises,

we are now facing are the result of a lack of coordination and the short-

sightedness of national politics, not of a European politics that remains

markedly absent.