The State of the European Union. The European Parliament faces its most important elections yet

THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION 22 ready proven on numerous occasions in the past since 1986. While few have mentioned it, the government’s savvy tactics regarding Gibraltar because of Brexit is a prime example of that. With who should Spain play that leading role in the Union? Firstly, with Germany and France, forming a vanguard of proposals and action across all fields and on every occasion possible. Then, pursuing Mediterranean leadership, since the Italian government of Conte, Di Maio and Salvini has dropped its traditional pro-Euro- pean stance. It should also remain active on the cohesion front, regardless of whether Spain becomes a net contributor to the community budget, which neither politically nor financially should lower the commitment to structural policy. Lastly, Spain has to become a leading cham- pion of European principles, values and rights, of the democratic and social model that charac- terises community construction. Spain and the future of Europe: reasons to back a federal political union On that basis, what might Spain’s view on the future of Europe be? The issue is the subject of an informal EU summit in Sibiu on 9 May and has been up for debate since the European Commission launched its white paper with the famous five scenarios. Spain should propose turning the new insti- tutional cycle that, by definition, the European elections of May 2019 will open into a new European political cycle, which is obviously not the same thing. A new political cycle in which to propose cul- minating political, economic and social union as the maximum goal, providing the EU with a Constitution – a goal that can later be adjusted over time and through formulas such as the dif- ferent speeds or variable geometry. It is in Spain’s interest that the EU continues to grow stronger as a supranational democracy. That will enhance its international weight and enable combating exclusionary nationalist phe- nomena with guarantees of success on the basis of a fundamental principle of the EU, namely that the source of legitimacy the Union springs from its states, represented in the Council, and its citizens, represented in the Parliament. As for the effectiveness of the Union, Spain would be comfortable with the enlargement of decision-making by qualified majority (once it has re-established its capacity to form positive alliances) and with the extension of the ordinary legislative procedure to new fields. In the economic and social sphere, the crisis has made it patently clear – harrowingly so for Spain and other members – that there is an ur- gent need for the Union to have its own Treasury, a big enough budget, a eurozone budget, tax harmonisation, full banking union (including a deposit guarantee fund), as well as a European minimum monthly wage and com- plementary unemployment insurance. Not for- getting a renewed and effective common asy- lum and refuge policy and, at long last, a real migration policy. Spain would also benefit from a strengthen- ing of foreign and defence policies, taking into account its geostrategic situation and interests. Which means Spain must back Scenario 5 (doing much more together) or Scenario 3 (those who want more do more) out of those put forward by the European Commission in its White Paper on the Future of Europe , adopting the necessary changes in a new Convention, as the European Parliament is calling for.