THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION Towards a new legislative term

THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION 68 The new European political cycle 2019-23 and its influence on the political process The European parliamentary term (2019-2024) kicked off with a considerable rise (almost 10%) in participa- tion in the 2019 elections to the European Parliament, thereby raising its democratic legitimacy. Just a few months after the mandate began, the Covid-19 pan- demic struck, which required outstanding decisions to be made to address not only health issues, but also economic, political and social consequences, particularly the Recovery Plan and the New Generation Funds, an unprecedented de facto federal advance. At the same time, the United Kingdom definitively left the European Union on 1st February 2020. While raising a great problem for some, this became an op- portunity to considerably consolidate the European Union. If the United Kingdom had remained a member, progress would have been impossible, both in terms of approving the New Generation Funds, duplication of the Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027 and even measures concerning Covid-19 and the health passport which were quickly adopted with great repercussions, among other issues. The Russian aggression against Ukraine from 2022 onwards also had adverse economic effects, although at the same time, it helped the European Union to take measures in unison, increase cohesion between Mem- ber States and strengthen its foreign policy considerably, particularly after the extraordinary Council of Europe meeting in Versailles on 10th and 11th May 2022. It is important to remember the relevance of the eleven sanction packages it approved, which left Russia in a very delicate economic position, isolated while the rou- ble crashed to below 1 cent of a US dollar on 1st Sep- tember 2023. The progress made during the 2022-2023 session has been less widely broadcast but, in my opinion, it is incredibly important: a) implementing the European Political Community in October 2022, in Prague; b) progressive communitisation of foreign policy and even defence policy during the second and third quarter of 2023; c) consideration of Ukraine, Moldova and, when appropriate, Georgia as candidates and reconsidera- tion of enlargement to Balkan countries, among oth- ers, in August 2023; d) the increase of sanction pack- ages against Russia; e) improved economic and social cohesion during the Ecofin meetings; f) the chance to strengthen the New Pact on Migration and Asylum dur- ing the Spanish Presidency, and; g) renewal and inten- sification of CELAC-EU relations, among other aspects. In other words, this session has complemented pro- gress made in previous years and improved internal and international cohesion considerably; it has allowed com- munitisation of European foreign policy to go ahead. However, this has gone reasonably unnoticed in the media, which prefers to emphasise uncertainties rather than achievements. Above all, we have barely heard a whisper about the de facto federal progress made pro- gressively over the last few years and months. Origin and development of the European Political Community The European Political Community arose from Macron’s speech on 9th May in the European Parliament plenary session in Strasbourg, with the goal of developing a confederal vision of Europe, in other words, this would be an instrument involving all democratic European states through a typically intergovernmental structure which imagines Europe beyond the EU, determining a community of interests (peace, security, interconnec- tions, energy supply, food security, migration manage- ment, etc.) where sovereignty is not shared. This does not intend to create a European political community to oppose the EU, nor will it be a precursor to enlargement for candidate countries, but it should establish an organisation beyond the EU, although with the EU, and make contact with countries which are not thinking about joining, at least for the time being (Nor- way, Iceland and the United Kingdom), plus others that are considering membership. To a large extent, they also have many types of agreements with these countries such as the Exclusive Economic Zone or the Association Agreements. Therefore, the plan is to include the EU 27, with the 8 enlargement candidates, the European Free Trade Association (Norway, Iceland, Lichtenstein, Swit- zerland, Monaco, Andorra, San Marino and the Vatican and the Faroe Islands), plus Turkey and surrounding