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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

114

freedom and security has been tipping in an in-

creasingly visible manner towards a cut in the

framework of fundamental rights that define us

as open societies with the promise (a false one,

as it is impossible) of complete security for all. It

is an old method, but, unfortunately, no less ef-

fective for that; in such a way that under the

paralysing effect of the fear of suffering a terror-

ist attack that is presented to us as imminent, we

tend to lose sight of reality –a reality that insists

on reminding us, we who have the privilege of

forming part of the European Union (EU) as

members of the most exclusive club on the plan-

et in terms of welfare and security, that there are

many other security challenges to which we are

not providing an adequate response.

Therefore, if we take human life as the yard-

stick to gauge the seriousness of the threats af-

flicting us and as an asset of incalculable value

that must be preserved above all other consid-

erations, we can come to the conclusion that

we are not prioritising the issues that really con-

cern us appropriately. Looking within the EU it-

self, the growing inequality gap in our societies

is by far such a top-tier problem that it may up-

set our much-envied model of economic and

socio-political organisation. Looking beyond the

EU, we can immediately see that none of the

threats and risks that we had identified over 20

years ago now has disappeared; on the contra-

ry, they are growing stronger by the day be-

cause of glaring neglect.

We do not live in a safer, more just and more

sustainable world today than when we were

subject to the balance of power between the

two contenders for world leadership and no-

body can consider themselves satisfied with the

level of effort made to remedy the ills that afflict

us. Without the slightest hint of demagogy or

populism, one only need remember that there

are 2.6 billion people in the world who do not

have access to a basic toilet and we know only

too well that it means that every year more than

800,000 children under five die because of

something as simple as diarrhoea. Hundreds of

thousands of women are raped every year with-

out any consequence. Are those lives any less

valuable than those lost in a terrorist attack? Are

they more difficult to preserve than those that

the violent jihadis put at risk? We face constant

dangers and we must consider what resources

we allocate to tackle each one of them, without

giving way to self-interested and selective hyste-

ria that ignores implementing solutions that are

within our reach (such as those already men-

tioned, or the elimination of hunger in the

world) and which leads us to obsessively chan-

nel resources and time into one problem alone,

which, as has already been said, is not the one

that causes most human suffering.

In short, as a result of that disturbing ap-

proach, which is still in good health today, secu-

rity has once again acquired a clear militaristic

bent and the spectrum of threats has once

again been reduced to one: terrorism. If at the

beginning of the last decade everything ap-

peared to boil down to Al-Qaeda, today it is

DAESH that serves the same purpose.

Threats and responses

Despite the insistence on rhetoric that magnifies

violent jihadism, portraying it as the embodi-

ment of the only threat worthy of being taken

into consideration and as a hierarchical network

united in a common cause, it is useful to recall

that, on the contrary, there is a multiple reality.

There are many groups that could be described

with the term, but there is nothing to confirm

the existence of a cohesive and homogenous

jihadi international, other than that many of