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THE TRANSATLANTIC TRADE AND INVESTMENT PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (TTIP): MAKING A GOOD DEAL FOR EUROPE

63

Convergence and divergence through

2015-16

Once again, the negotiations are highlighting

political social, and economic barriers between

the transatlantic partners. The eighth round of

talks took place February 2-6 2015 in Brussels

under the leadership of EU Trade Commissioner

Cecilia Malmström and US Trade Representative

Michael Froman. However, lingering doubts

about the feasibility of the

315 billion Juncker

plan are generating skepticism in Europe (espe-

cially in Southern European countries and

France) regarding both the much-trumpeted

but fairly anemic European economic “recov-

ery” and the real benefits of a trade deal with

the US that may well imply high social costs.

Although negotiators have made progress

on points such as technical trade barriers, state-

owned enterprises, customs and trade facilita-

tion, and telecom services, they have yet to

overcome differences regarding issues Europe-

ans perceive as critical such as labor rights, con-

sumer safety regulations, and environmental

protection.

It is therefore no surprise that sensitive points

will be negotiated at the highest political level.

The first among them is the inclusion of an in-

vestor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mecha-

nism, by which foreign investors may bring

cases against the countries in which they have

invested before an arbitration tribunal should

they feel their financial interests have been

harmed or discriminated against. The devil is in

the details when it comes to democracy, trans-

parency, environmental protection, labor rights,

and consumer protection. Given the close inte-

gration of US and EU financial markets, financial

sector regulation—especially that targeting cur-

rently unregulated derivatives and similar instru-

ments—is bound to be a make-or-break issue

from the European perspective. The present

opinion in Europe is that any deal failing to safe-

guard Europe’s financial resilience to future cri-

ses similar to the subprime crisis of 2008 would

not be worth signing. Apart from the give and

take of negotiations regarding the inclusion of

an ISDS instrument or the agriculture, audiovis-

ual, and financial sectors, there is also the eco-

nomic climate to consider. While the European

Parliament’s International Trade Committee

(INTA) is expected to present a resolution on

TTIP at the May 2015 plenary session, any seri-

ous deterioration of economic conditions in the

Eurozone could completely derail negotiations.

The European Parliament: leading from

behind?

Europe’s institutional framework could also slow

down the negotiations to the point that they

eventually derailed. Here, the high sensitivity of

sector lobbies in member states and European

citizens hit by the crisis to issues involving banks

and big corporations, should not be neglected.

The European Parliament – the only EU institu-

tion whose members are directly responsible to

European voters – will undoubtedly play a deci-

sive role in the process. No less will the national

parliaments, which would have the final voice in

the case of a comprehensive agreement that

would include the big investment issues.

Paradoxically, the European Parliament, a

frequently criticized and undervalued institu-

tion, will have the final word on the sensitive

issues yet to be resolved during the last lap of

the TTIP process. The good news is that progress

has been made on transparency. Under pressure

by European civil society organizations, in the

fall of 2014 INTA chairman Bernd Lange forced

the public release of the European Council’s