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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

42

the positive effects of any eventual depreciation

of the euro.

In light of these circumstances, the European

Union, and most of all its eurozone members,

must act to correct the troubling weaknesses of

the present state of the EMU. Despite the ef-

forts of the ECB, equal access to credit within

the EU has not been achieved. Companies in

southern member states still have a tougher

time securing financing than their counterparts

further north. While there has been encourag-

ing rhetoric on the part of politicians and econ-

omists, the investment and support for produc-

tivity and competitiveness needed to generate

quality sustainable employment has not been

forthcoming. Although European companies

have generally managed to continue meeting

overhead and other expenses, austerity meas-

ures have hurt sectors that must demonstrate

medium- and long-term competitiveness, espe-

cially in southern eurozone and Mediterranean

countries. If economic stagnation in France and

the delicate state of Italian banking system were

not troubling enough, Greece continues to

struggle to recover not only from the crisis of

2008 but also the overdose of austerity meas-

ures that followed. The austerity regime im-

posed on countries such as Spain, in which only

a minor reduction of public and private debt has

been achieved at the cost of wage stagnation,

the erosion of employment stability, an incalcu-

lable rise in the number of families pushed to

the brink of poverty and a dramatic increase in

the percentage of the working poor, is clearly

not the best recipe for ensuring sustainable

growth and strengthening social cohesion.

Countries such as Spain cannot afford the luxu-

ry of basing their economies solely on strategic

sectors subject to shifts in international eco-

nomic and geopolitical trends such as tourism

or exportation instead of investing in education,

digitalisation, job creation, competitiveness, re-

search, development and innovation, at a mo-

ment at which they are suffering rising levels of

social inequality and poverty that threaten the

prospects of a rebound in domestic demand.

The eurozone must have instruments of fiscal

policy

The asymmetric realities of northern and south-

ern eurozone countries underscore the lack of

instruments with which to address simultane-

ous but distinct problems within the group.

Monetary policy cannot correct these problems,

and although fiscal policy could be used to ad-

dress them, northern states have relentlessly

blocked the implementation of measures capa-

ble of reactivating investment and demand in

the southern states hit hardest by the crisis.

Spain, for example, has yet to bring its GDP

back to its 2007 level, and when it finally man-

ages to do so later this year after a decade of

budget tightening, it will be against a backdrop

of unemployment and loss of social cohesion

impossible to imagine prior to the onset of the

crisis. Employment opportunities in Spain going

forward will be of poorer quality, more precari-

ous and pay less. The country will be less equi-

table, with a growing percentage of its active

workforce moving from one precarious job to

the next and unemployed workers over 45 and

young people in need of training trapped on the

threshold of poverty with diminishing hope of

improving their lot.

Reducing these disparities will require invest-

ment, monetary transfers and local countercy-

clical policies tailored to tackle specific problems

such as long-term employment and the need to

strengthen worker qualifications – actions that

the EU has been loath to undertake to date.