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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

82

One of these reports relates to defence, and will

be published in June. It is to be hoped that it will

explain in detail the European Commission’s un-

derstanding of what constitutes defence policy.

Why we need to strengthen defence policy

In my opinion, there are at least five reasons for

strengthening an autonomous defence policy:

– The gradual escalation of risks and threats in

neighbouring regions (noted above) which

shows no signs of slowing. These are risks

and threats not just to individual member

states but to the EU as a whole, to its politi-

cal and social model, and to the values that

underpin it. A collective response is there-

fore required.

– A global political player must be responsible

for its own defence and cannot subcontract

it to others, as currently occurs with NATO.

If it wishes to be an independent player, the

EU must take responsibility for defending its

citizens and its territory.

– As we have seen, the Treaty of Lisbon estab-

lished the legal basis for developing and

consolidating such a policy. Now what is

needed is the political will to implement the

instruments required to achieve this goal.

– The Global Strategy on Foreign and Security

Policy, which contains the principle of strate-

gic autonomy, transforms the legal obliga-

tion to defend citizens and territories into a

political commitment. The purpose of de-

fence policy measures is to make this com-

mitment a reality.

– Over recent years, and in particular since

2015, internal and external security have be-

come increasingly linked, with the result that

defence policy is a necessary component of

anti-terrorism strategies. In this case, the

two areas are opposite sides of the same

coin.

Why do we need a defence policy? To con-

solidate the EU as a global, normative and dip-

lomatic player with an increasing role in global

governance, providing the external dimension

of the EU’s internal model. It is important to

note that defence policy is not an adjunct of

foreign policy, but rather an essential means of

ensuring that the global actor can operate with-

out its activity being constantly conditioned by

military pressures. The EU’s presence in the

world will never be the result of its military ca-

pacity but will instead reflect the defence of its

values and interests and its social model,

through such instruments as trade and cultural,

humanitarian and development policies.

However, for this to be possible the EU needs a

collective defence that enables it to act in the

world.

Conclusion: the need to formulate a

genuinely autonomous defence policy for

the EU

Throughout this chapter, we have seen that de-

fence policy and shared defence represent a

European aspiration that goes back almost 70

years. This both reflects a general need and has

been conditioned by specific international fac-

tors. Today, international factors are still driving

both the move towards deeper integration (in

this case, particularly Brexit and the election of

Trump) and the development of defence policy

(the problem of ISIS and the Russian threat).

Recently, with French activation of the de-

fensive clause, it has become clear that the

CSDP should not be concerned solely with civil

crisis operations and foreign military endeav-

ours but should also strive to defend the EU’s