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LINES OF CONFLICT ON EU REFORM IN GERMANY

45

plans for Europe. The plans in the coalition

agreement are in many respects significantly dif-

ferent from previous statements and domestic

German debates about the EU.

Thus the coalition wants to leave behind the

well-worn debate about Germany being a net

contributor, and strengthen the European Union

financially, even if that means higher contribu-

tions. On one hand it will be necessary to make

up for UK contributions to the EU budget when

they stop, and on the other hand more funds

should be available for new Community tasks,

although cuts are likely. One policy that is not

described in detail is provision of funds “for

economic stabilisation and social convergence

and to support structural reforms in the

Eurozone” as a starting point for an “invest-

ment budget” that is to be established later for

the currency union. The prospect of an EU

budget for the euro states (i.e. “fiscal capacity”)

allowed fiscal union supporters in the SPD to

prevail, as this could be used to form the nu-

cleus of an automatic stabiliser. On the other

side, supporters of a stability union with rewards

for structural reform managed to revive the idea

of a competitiveness instrument, which was

hotly debated in 2013 with the aim to enforce

structural reforms by new reform obligations.

They plan to implement this through a policy

also favoured by the coalition: developing the

ESM into a European monetary fund.

From the perspective of a fiscal union, it is

also desirable to have closer economic coordina-

tion of the euro states, including further harmo-

nisation of rules to avoid tax dumping, tax fraud

and tax evasion, and to align corporate tax rates.

A European social pact should also be conclud-

ed, to develop unified requirements for mini-

mum wage systems and social security provision,

and to prevent wage and social dumping. In

comparison with the plans of previous German

governments, these proposals could certainly

lead to a progressive move away from the former

economic policy line, and come closer to meeting

the demands of France, Italy and Spain. However,

the stability-oriented hawks have also managed

to ensure that the coalition agreement still states

that in any reform of the currency union, the

Stability and Growth Pact must continue to be

the “compass”, and risk and responsibility must

still be linked to each other.

All three coalition partners agree that the EU

should play a central role in regulating and con-

trolling migration policy. There is support for the

creation of a European asylum system, with a

fair mechanism for distribution among EU

states, and ensuring common standards for asy-

lum procedures. Protection of the EU’s external

borders should be extended. Regarding the eco-

nomic line of conflict discussed above, the coali-

tion would like to make individual improve-

ments to integration measures, in line with the

principle of “rights and responsibilities”. More

funds are promised for federal states and mu-

nicipalities. However there is no prospect of a

broad integration programme. The Growth and

Stability Pact, the debt brake and avoiding new

public sector debt are concepts that are held

sacrosanct by the new government, which at

the same time also aims to exploit the budget

surplus to invest in education, childcare, house

construction and care.

Nonetheless, it is doubtful that this will be

sufficient to quieten the public’s concerns about

competition and a drop in living standards due

to migration, or to go beyond paper-based re-

form compromises for the Eurozone. However,

more positively, many small steps could certain-

ly result in significant progress in integration.