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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

48

After social dumping, his new fight in this

“Europe that protects” battle is going to be

against fiscal dumping, supporting ways to tax

the digital industry – the so-called GAFA. The

French government welcomes the Commission’s

proposal made in March 2018. A visit of Macron

next year to Ireland could be used as a way to

put political pressure on this GAFA-friendly

country and show public opinion a willingness

to act on this fiscal issue pointed out as a failure

of EU integration.

Another field where the French President

wants to give “Europe that protects” some

teeth is migration. Until now, his policy on this

matter has been articulated mostly domestically.

Macron has openly acknowledged the results of

the latest Italian elections as a warning signal

for a clear EU response able to demonstrate that

Europe can keep the in-coming flows under

control. The Elysée is in a favour of revising the

Dublin regulation for a better burden-sharing of

asylum-seekers across the EU.

“Europe that protects” also means develop-

ing the common Defence policy. With the United

Kingdom about to leave the EU, France under-

stands it must play a new leading role in this field

since it will become

de facto

the sole EU Member

State with nuclear weapons and holding a per-

manent seat at the UN Security Council. With

the fight against terrorism to carry out in African

countries of the Sahel, and an unpredictable

American defence policy towards Europe, the

French president launched his European inter-

vention initiative in his Sorbonne speech, aside

from the newly established Permanent struc-

tured cooperation on defence and security

(PESCO). This unexpected French initiative has

since created misunderstanding among other EU

countries and officials, questioning how – and

why – it will differ from PESCO. In France, the

fear is that a PESCO, joined today by up to 25 EU

Member States of the EU, may become too large

to be efficient. Paris hopes that building a

European intervention in its own right, outside

the EU and open to the UK, will prove by 2024

that it can deliver real protection to the Europeans.

Apart from defence, Macron’s approach to

security is also economic. He supports the idea

of screening foreign direct investment, put for-

ward by the Juncker Commission, in order for

Europeans to secure national interests and re-

spond to less open environments. When travel-

ling to China last January, he tried to act not only

as the French President but to present himself as

Europe’s foremost leader, requesting “reciproci-

ty” in the opening of domestic markets.

Inside Europe, Emmanuel Macron wants to

provide more economic protection and empow-

erment through the euro, the EU’s most inte-

grated achievement yet. Bercy, place of the

French Finance ministry where the President

originally comes from, has developed ideas to

create a euro zone budget meant to be a stabi-

lizer in case of shocks on a country’s economy.

Macron is also in favour of creating a finance

minister for the euro-zone and a parliament for

the monetary union, reviving an old Franco-

German dispute on the kind of economic gov-

ernance to be attached to the single currency.

Restore France’s influence while

addressing French concerns

In pursuing this broad and ambitious “Europe

that protects” agenda, France knows it does

not meet expectations among many European

leaders, including Germany. But Macron seems

to favour deeper integration over unity at all

costs, concrete results than wide but mild com-

promises. Macron’s Europe is inevitably multi-

speed.