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to stick to their roadmap for the definitive ces-
sation of violence. The EU has not played a pri-
mary role in the peace process in Colombia, but
it certainly has been present through former
Irish Foreign Minister Eamon Gilmore, Federica
Mogherini’s Special Representative. In support
of the peace process, the Union launched a
trust fund of 95 million euros, established in
December, in the presence of Colombian
President Juan Manuel Santos and focused on
reconstruction projects in the country’s rural ar-
eas. The definitive end of this process with the
FARC guerrilla group, as well as the culmination
of a similar agreement with the other guerrilla
group active in Colombia, the National
Liberation Army (ELN), will necessarily be on the
EU’s foreign agenda.
Venezuela, the third country that has regu-
larly appeared on the foreign agenda of the
Union countries, did not receive the same atten-
tion as the previous two from EU foreign policy.
The intense mediation work of former Spanish
Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero is
currently the main European instrument for fa-
cilitating a solution to the tense and complex
situation in Venezuela. The Council issued a
statement on Venezuela in July, in which it “fully
supports the mediation effort by former Prime
Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero”. The
same statement called on theHigh Representative
to maintain regular contacts with Rodríguez
Zapatero. However, the effort lacks stable formal
backing from the EU, such as the appointment
of a Special Representative so that the EU’s sup-
port for the mediation efforts could be deployed
to its full potential.
The EU-CELAC Summit in the second half of
2017 will be the moment to determine whether
Latin America, beyond its crises, really is back on
the European agenda.
What can we expect in 2017 and beyond?
The EU’s foreign policy still punches well below
its demographic and economic weight in the
world. National realities prevail over joint action
on the thorniest issues. However, the vital need
for the EU to take a leap forward in its integra-
tion to counteract the effect of Brexit and a pos-
sible US uncoupling from European security may
be an opportunity, a catalyst, to take a definitive
step towards joint and coordinated external ac-
tion, especially on the most serious issues af-
fecting the security and freedom of Europeans
– those in which, to date, European action has
had least scope for action.
If it happened, it would make a substantial
contribution to the culmination of European po-
litical union. For years, the EU has had all the
institutional instruments and necessary eco-
nomic resources to be and act like a major glob-
al player in the world. In addition to the two
factors, it still lacks sufficient political will to ex-
ercise that power – even if every year, as in
2016, steps are taken to close the gap.
Let nobody be deceived: if the divisive effect
and reversal of a populist election victory in any
of the main EU member states in 2017 were felt
anywhere, it would be in the Common Foreign
and Security Policy. The citizens of Europe, of its
partners, allies and neighbours anywhere in the
world would pay dearly.
More than ever, the world needs a strong
and resolute EU on the management of global
issues, be they the promotion of sustainable de-
velopment and the reduction of poverty, socially
and environmentally regulated free trade
against protectionism or deregulation, combat-
ing climate change, the negotiated solution of
conflicts, countering terrorism, the defence of
international law and support for the United
Nations and its new Secretary General – the