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37

Ten years have passed since the American

investment bank Lehman Brothers went bank-

rupt, triggering the global financial and eco-

nomic crisis in 2008. This was not the only great

crisis for Europe. The European Union (EU)

stumbled into the euro crisis in 2009, 2015 saw

the start of what has come to be known as the

refugee crisis, and since 2016 there has been

ongoing crisis management to handle Brexit.

The last ten years of crisis have made it very

clear that the architecture of European integra-

tion is incomplete: the EU was unable to come

up with an immediate and sustainable answer

to any of these challenges. The Lisbon Treaty

toolbox was only properly equipped for design-

ing the Brexit process. In the political areas of

economic and monetary union and migration,

however, ad hoc management began. In the

choir of the European institutions and Member-

State governments, some were louder and more

efficient than others, and this crisis manage-

ment was strongly shaped by the German gov-

ernment. While the European Commission has

undisputed leadership in Brexit negations with

Great Britain at EU-level, Berlin has played a sig-

nificant role in steering political reactions on the

euro crisis and the refugee crisis. This was not

always a success in terms of content. Germany

was too insensitive to the demands of other

states, and tried to impose the course it deemed

best for itself as a model for its neighbours.

However, in terms of power politics it is worth

pointing out that Germany’s hegemonic role in

Europe worked amazingly well in the euro crisis,

while external factors and domestic politics put

a brake on it during the refugee crisis.

As a phase of comprehensive EU reform be-

gins, with an eye to the 2019 European elec-

tions, where does Germany position itself to

provide a lasting solution to the deficits in the

EU response to crises? This text will indicate

new and old lines of conflict that split Germany

and the continent.

More or less integration?

Respect and approval for the EU have suffered

greatly from the duration and number of crises

in Europe, and more so from the policies put in

place to deal with them. These policies were

initially inadequate and in many ways misguid-

ed, but they were later billed as the only alterna-

tive. Across the continent, the axis of conflict

Lines of conflict on EU

reform in Germany

Björn Hacker