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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

104

(EUBAM) in May 2013, which due to the dete-

rioration of the political situation in the country

has been reduced to a small corps currently op-

erating from Tunis. Different options are now

being studied, including military intervention,

but all appear unfeasible due to the lack of a

single, valid interlocutor, a perplexing situation

that cannot be resolved whilst the country has

two separate and antagonistic governments

and parliaments. In spite of a UN Security Coun-

cil-endorsed agreement reached in Srijat, Mo-

rocco in December by which a presidential

council will name the members of a unity gov-

ernment, further progress is currently blocked

by the rejection of the deal on the part of the

parliament situated in Tobruk. The European

Council has repeatedly discussed the situation

in this country situated a mere 350 kilometres

from Malta, which has proved to be a never-

ending source of problems for the EU. Libya is

currently the base for much of the mass illegal

migration towards Europe. The fact that the

country’s current oil exports to Europe have

slumped to a fifth of their former level is an-

other cause of preoccupation. The Council is

looking to promote the formation of a govern-

ment of national unity with the will and desire

to support the fight against jihadism in the

country.

Support for the armed and security forces of

countries in which jihadist groups operate needs

to be part of a broader strategy that includes

political and economic measures that contribute

to their stability, prosperity and democratisa-

tion, assistance in developing anti-radicalisation

educational and cultural programmes and im-

proving the effectiveness of their means of pre-

venting and control extremism, and a greater

level of intelligence sharing. Policies that sup-

port dictators such as Abdelfatah Al-Sisi in Egypt

should be reviewed given that such regimes sow

the seeds of deeper radicalisation. Initiatives

such as the Union for the Mediterranean and

the European Neighbourhood Policy should also

be updated in the light for their ineffectiveness

in terms of promoting stability, progress and se-

curity in Northern African countries. EU strate-

gies for the Sahel (September 2011) and the

Horn of Africa (November 2011) should likewise

be revised to focus more on the fight against

jihadism, which is now the principal threat to

both these regions and Europe.

IS in the Middle East: the war in Syria

The most important jihadist group at this mo-

ment is IS, whose centre of gravity covers a

large portion of the Middle East that includes

about a third of Syria’s territory with Raqqa as it

capital and a quarter of Iraq that includes Mosul

and Fallujah, where it has imposed a brutal dic-

tatorship. It is estimated that IS could have as

many as 35,000 fighters under its command,

4,000 of which could have come from Europe.

Meanwhile, the Al-Nusra Front (ANF), a branch

of AQ active in Syria that has a force of any-

where between 5,000 and 10,000 in that coun-

try, controls part of the provinces of Hasaka and

Idlib. Although armed confrontations between

the ANF and IS led to a rupture between IS and

AQ in 2014, the groups have nevertheless oc-

casionally collaborated.

IS, which emerged in Iraq in the wake of the

US invasion, entered Syria in 2013 amidst the

chaos of a civil war that has raged since March

2011 between the regime of Bachar al-Assad

and the various armed opposition groups that

launched a revolt in the wake of the Arab

Spring. To date, the war has claimed between

300,000 and 400,000 lives and caused the dis-

placement of 11 million people, 5 million of