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THE STATES ON THE FUTURE OF EUROPE

23

quires constant deliberation (and not only after

Brexit) and clear answers, even if they are not

unanimous in each of the (progressive or regres-

sive) phases of the integration process

22

.

So, let us suppose that as well as that infor-

mal mini-debate, the European Council mem-

bers were called upon to choose one of the five

scenarios described by the Commission in its

White paper

on the future of Europe.

Unless Scenario 1 prevailed, that is to say:

“Carrying on”

23

, at the moment of truth the

five scenarios in the

White paper

on the Future

of Europe would probably come down to two:

Scenario 3 (“Those who want more do more”)

and Scenario 4 (“Doing less more efficiently”).

No member of the European Council to date

has championed Scenario 2, that is to say,

“Nothing but the single market”

24

as the sole

option, not even the Head of Government of

the most Eurosceptic state out of the veterans,

the United Kingdom

25

.

Scenario 5, that is to say, “Doing much more

together” (and the maximalist -in a good way-

idealism inspiring it), appears to have been

dropped by all the leaders now, even by the

22

 With the first discussion on the Multiannual Financial

Framework 2021-2027, at the informal European Council

meeting of 23 February 2018, it became clear that some

members of the European Council appeared to have

indicated the need to conclude the discussion on the

scenarios of the future of Europe before deciding on the

Union’s budget.

23

 See:

White paper on the future of Europe

, page 16.

24

Ibid

., page. 18.

25

 See David Cameron’s letter to Donald Tusk of 10

November 2015. Available at:

https://assets.publishing. service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/ attachment_data/file/475679/Donald_Tusk_letter.pdf

most Europeanist

26

. Indeed, to date no Head of

State or Government nor any party leader has

clearly championed it.

We must remember, as the Commission

does in the

White paper

, that the scenarios

overlap and, therefore, they are neither mutu-

ally exclusive nor comprehensive.

In any case, save a major electoral upheaval

(highly unlikely now that we overcame the

threats from Europhobic parties and movements

that stood in the elections of the two main

states of the Union, Germany and France, as

well as in the Netherlands and Austria, in 2017),

– If we follow what we could call the ideo-

logical criterion of the stance on Europe

(more Europeanist or more nationalist) of

the current members of the European

Council.

– Bearing mind the results of legislative or

presidential

27

elections and the respective

changes of government.

– Bearing in mind the previously mentioned de-

bate at the EuropeanCouncil of 10March 2017.

– And, lastly, the statements or initiatives of

Heads of State or Government after that

date, by means of a classification that is nec-

essarily reductionist

28

yet consistent with

26

 Jean-Claude Juncker’s phrase: “Il faut cesser de parler

des États Unis d’Europe” (lecture at the Jacques Delors

Institute, Paris, April 2016) is a symbol of the current retreat

of the European federalist discourse. However, in his

State

of the Union address

of September 2017, Juncker offered

what he calls a “sixth scenario” whose description has

proactive features comparable with those of Scenario 5 of

the Commission’s White Paper.

27

 In 2018, there are presidential elections in Ireland,

Finland, Czech Republic and Cyprus and legislative elections

in Italy, Sweden, Hungary, Slovenia and Latvia.

28

 However, this reduction of the diversity (or wealth) of

positions in the European Council is consistent with the only

“official” classification of the stances adopted by the states

on the future of Europe, namely the one that Donald Tusk

described in March 2017. See above, page 4.