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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

24

Donald Tusk’s summary, we can distinguish

two groups of states.

First, a group of 20 states that would be in-

clined to choose a model of integration like Sce-

nario 3, that is: “Those who want more do

more”

29

, in the belief that this scenario sums up

better than any other the idea of a multi-speed

Europe. In this group, we could include France,

Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Bel-

gium, Luxembourg, Austria, Lithuania, Estonia,

Sweden, Finland, Greece, Malta, Cyprus, Bul-

garia, Romania, Slovenia and Croatia. It includes

the four countries that carry most political

weight in the Union – namely Germany, France,

Italy and Spain – by number of votes in the

Council and because in total they make up over

50 % of the Union’s population.

In France, the

Initiative for Europe

taken by

President Emmanuel Macron in September

2017

30

is currently the state initiative in favour

of the creation of a “hard core” of states that

champion a multi-speed Europe at least: “Eu-

rope is already moving at various speeds. So let’s

not be afraid to say so and to want it!” “As we

constantly accommodate the driving ambition

of some and respect the speed of each one, we

can cultivate the desire to push ahead and Eu-

rope will progress to everyone’s benefit.”

31

So, if France has once again led the defence

of the European integration process, following

29

 See:

White paper on the future of Europe ,

op. cit

., page 20.

30

 See: speech of 26 September 2017 at the Sorbonne:

Initiative pour l’Europe. Une Europe souveraine, unie,

démocratique.

Available at:

http://www.elysee.fr/declara tions/article/initiative-pour-l-europe-discours-d-emmanuel- macron-pour-une-europe-souveraine-unie-democratique/

31

Ibid.

, pages 14 and 9, respectively. Our translation.

Note the similarity of Macron’s speech to the summary

that President Tusk made of the first, informal and, so far,

only substantial debate by the European Council on the

functioning of the European Union in relation to the future

of Europe.

the difficult but promising government agree-

ment between the Christian Democrat party

and the Social Democrats, finally approved on

4 March 2018, Germany is now in a position to

actively join the French initiative by defending

Scenario 3, at least. Berlin could also review

the dominant economic ideology of austerity

in its European policy and, in parallel, the pre-

vailing one within the European Council for a

decade.

In this group of states, as we said before, the

case of Italy is a special one following the vic-

tory in the legislative elections of 4 March 2018

of parties and movements that maintain a

Europhobic line.

Second, the group of seven states that

would rather opt for a model of functioning of

the Union matching Scenario 4, that is to say:

“Doing less more efficiently”

32

. In this group,

we could place the Visegrad Group (Poland,

Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia), the

Netherlands, Denmark, and Latvia.

Within that group of states, the important

Visegrad Group (with 25 years of history be-

hind it), which is not exactly Europeanist right

now given the attitudes and political action of

its members in sensitive spheres for Europe

such as the rule of law or immigration, repre-

sents a significant remnant of Euroscepticism,

particularly in its two main members: Poland

and Hungary.

However, while separately the Heads of

State or Government of the States that make it

up may have their own individual views (for in-

stance, during the recent presidential election

campaign in the Czech Republic the re-elected

Miloš Zeman explicitly declared himself a feder-

32

 See: European Commission,

White paper on the future of Europe

,

op. cit

., page 22.