THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION
98
drop of a crisis of multilateralism. It takes in the rela-
tions of the Union and its Member States with the
major powers (the United States, China and Russia),
Latin America, the Middle East and Africa; the chief
transversal issues marking the international political
agenda: trade and climate change; or enlargement
and neighbourhood policy
1
.
Suppressed tension with the United
States: from TTIP to trade war
Inevitably, relations with the world’s greatest
power, the United States, have marked European
external action in the first year-and-a-half of the
Trump Administration, after his inauguration in
January 2017. The United States has gradually
proven to be, as Council President Donald Tusk
put it early in the new US Administration, a stra-
tegic threat to the Union, rather than an un-
questionable ally. Overall, transatlantic relations
have not improved since May 2017. Following
Trump’s visit to Europe and the NATO summit in
Warsaw, both German Chancellor Angela
Merkel and Sigmar Gabriel, her foreign minister,
expressed deep pessimism about America’s sta-
tus as a “reliable partner” and about the impact
of its policies on the West. Since then, relations
appear to have deteriorated if anything, both
because of a fundamental disagreement over
the very conception of politics, the international
order or Europe – apparent in a contempt for
multilateralism – and because of an impulsive
and unpredictable
modus operandi
.
The World Economic Forum in Davos in
January 2018 made the terms of the dispute
1
Separate chapters of this report take an in-depth look at
the other two most important external-domestic dimen-
sions of Mogherini’s Global Strategy: defence and security
policy and migration policy.
very clear. In Davos, the Franco-German duo of
Macron and Merkel showed firm and solid re-
jection of President Trump’s “America First”
doctrine, something on which the rest of the
world’s leaders such as Justin Trudeau of
Canada, Xi Jinping of China, or Narendra Modi
of India coincided. It was confirmed then that
the political differences with the United States
over issues such as climate change, inequality,
trade protection, global governance and multi-
lateralism are difficult to reconcile. In a position
diametrically opposed to that of Trump, the ar-
guments of Macron, Merkel or Gentiloni re-
volved around a defence of the best aspects of
globalisation – trade and multilateralism –, but
from a critical point of view that addresses re-
forms to compensate the losers and improves
the representativeness of the main actors in the
international system.
France and Germany’s worst fears would
soon materialise with the protectionist drift
barely two months later. A couple of months of
relative calm was shattered by the sound of
trade war drums in early March. The US leader
picked up one of his central promises during the
election campaign, announcing, in the name of
“national security,” the unilateral imposition of
heavy tariffs on imports of steel (25 %) and alu-
minium (10 %) with a view to protecting American
industry. The immediate reaction from Brussels
was to announce possible reprisals on a list of cer-
tain US products – bourbon, cranberries, peanut
butter, or Harley-Davidson motorcycles – aimed at
affecting the various sectors and states of America
where President Trump enjoys most electoral sup-
port. Trump came back with a fresh threat to im-
pose new tariffs on cars from the EU, targeting
Germany. Subsequently, a second exploratory
phase began, headed by Trade Commissioner
Cecilia Malmström and Commission Vice-
President for Jobs Jyrki Katainen, giving way to