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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

18

making has shallow roots or may even be

reversible.

– The existence of governments supported by

populist or Eurosceptic parties –which has

little impact when decisions are taken on a

shared basis (and even less so when imple-

mented through the normal legislative pro-

cedure) or when they are taken by the most

federal institutions (the European Commis-

sion and the European Parliament)– be-

comes a major obstacle when agreements

have to be reached at the intergovernmental

level.

During 2015 there were a number of chang-

es in the political situation in member states

that have affected and will continue to affect

the EU, particularly given the limited tools avail-

able to the EU to address this situation in the

short term.

The mainstream parties are still in the

majority, but not to the same degree

as before

If we look at the big picture, we find that the

mainstream parties emerged from 2015 in a

relatively strong position in terms of their repre-

sentation in the governments of EU member

states.

Formations belonging to the European Peo-

ple’ Party (EPP), the Party of European Socialists

(PES) or the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats

for Europe (ALDE) participate in 25 of the EU’s

28 national governments. The three exceptions

are Greece, Poland and the United Kingdom. In

the latter, however, it is worth noting that the

Conservative Party left the EPP for tactical rea-

sons linked to its Eurosceptic position, while

maintaining a clear ideological and political af-

finity to its former partners.

At the same time, there are two countries

where members of the EPP are in government

with parties of the radical right: in Denmark,

where the far-right Danish People’s Party is the

second-largest party, with 21 % of the vote;

and in Finland, whose Foreign Minister belongs

to the Europhobic, populist right. And, of

course, there is Hungary, which is governed by

FIDESZ, a member of the EPP but with far more

extreme policies than its sister parties.

It is also important to note that three of the

eight general elections held in 2015 produced

very significant changes (Denmark, Greece and

Poland) while in the remaining five (Croatia, Es-

tonia, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom)

traditional parties continued to be in the majority.

If we look beyond governments to consider

the percentage of the vote won by conserva-

tives, socialists and liberals, these remain very

considerable, with the exception of Greece and

Poland, where the social democratic left has

been all but obliterated.

The conclusions, therefore, are clear:

– Europe’s historic political parties continue to

dominate the continent’s political scene.

– ������������������� �������� ��� ���� ���

The much-trumpeted advance by new po-

litical forces on the left and the right has

failed to materialise, with a few exceptions.

– The political majority that governs the EU is

thus the same majority that governs in most

of its member states (as we will see below).

– Although its lead is noticeably smaller than it

was five years ago, the right continues to be

the largest political force in member states,

with the socialists in second place, well

ahead of their rivals.

As a result, the countries of the EU have not

experienced a radical change in make-up, al-

though new political forces have appeared at the

margins of the traditional parties. However, the

radical proposals of old and new governments