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THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

106

defence budget. In comparison, exports to

China represented a mere 6.9% of its total ex-

port trade in 2013. The EU is also Russia’s most

important foreign investor. It is estimated that

75% of the direct foreign investment stocks in

Russia come from EU Member States. In 2012,

outward FDI stocks from European countries to

Russia reached a level of 19 billion euros

7

. In the

light of these numbers, it would not be feasible

for Russia to contemplate a rupture with the EU

any time soon –a fact that the EU should keep

in mind and have no qualms about using as a

bargaining chip should Moscow resort to any

direct or indirect form of coercion.

Although trade with Russia is not as crucial

to the EU as trade with the EU is to Russia, the

Federation is nevertheless an important trading

partner. In 2013, it was the EU’s second largest

trading partner in terms of imports (206.1 bil-

lion euros in trade that represented 12.3% of

total EU imports) and its fourth largest partner

in terms of exports, receiving 119.8 billion euros

in goods from the EU Member States that made

up 6.9% of total EU exports. It is worth pointing

out that 77.7% of Russia’s exports to the EU fall

into the category of mineral fuels and deriva-

tives. The Union’s dependence on Russian pe-

troleum and gas is a serious issue: 33.7% of the

crude oil and 32% of the natural gas imported

by the EU in 2012 came from Russia

8

. Although

the percentage of mineral fuels imported by EU

countries from Russia is steadily declining and a

concerted effort is beingmade to diversify Europe’s

energy sources, given that the reserves of Norway,

its second largest supplier, are diminishing and

7

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countries/russia/

8

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ports)_YB14.png

Libya and Nigeria, two of its other important sup-

pliers, are becoming increasingly unstable, it is cur-

rently impossible for the EU to wean itself com-

pletely off Russian energy supplies. Nevertheless,

while Putin may be tempted to use energy as a

political weapon as he did with Ukraine in 2006

and 2009, the fact is that Russia is under more

pressures to sell than Europe is to buy.

Russia is looking to the East in an attempt to

diversify its foreign trade. In 2014 it signed a 323

billion euro, thirty-year gas supply contract with

China for which pipeline construction is already

underway. It has also entered into an agreement

to build 12 nuclear reactors over the next two

decades in India, a country with which it has

signed a number of defence supply contracts.

Nevertheless, Russia cannot do without the EU

for any extended period of time. Despite their

differences, their interdependence obliges them

to seek some kind of working understanding.

The legal linchpin of relations between the

EU and Russia is a Partnership and Cooperation

Agreement that covers a wide range of policy

areas including political dialogue, trade, finance

and culture. This accord established a new tradi-

tion of organising twice-yearly summit meetings

between Russian and EU heads of state or gov-

ernment as well as a Permanent Partnership

Council that facilitates interaction at the minis-

terial level. This ten-year agreement entered

into force in December 1997. Since it expired in

December 2007, it has been renewed annually

pending the negotiation of a new agreement, a

process that has been repeatedly hindered by a

variety of diplomatic obstacles and suspended

since the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis. At the

EU-Russia summit held in Saint Petersburg in

May 2003, both countries agreed to set up four

“common spaces” to facilitate deeper mutual

cooperation: A Common Economic Space; A

Common Space on Freedom, Security and