THE STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION
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outcome of the summit would very much de-
pend on Warsaw’s willingness to compromise.
Thus in the end, it was Poland’s domestic poli-
tics that defined the scope for the EU 2030
framework’s negotiation.
Elements of the 2030 compromise
Although the President of the European
Council, Herman Van Rompuy, had been man-
dated to explore possible pathways for a com-
promise concerning the EU 2030 framework
already in spring 2014, by the beginning of the
European Council meeting on 23 October 2014
only a few components of the package were in
place. Despite Van Rompuy’s numerous bilat-
eral meetings in European capitals, the Visegrád
states led by Poland appeared just as unsatis-
fied with the state of negotiations as other
Member States who wanted to see their indi-
vidual interests reflected in the conclusions. For
example, a group including Spain, Portugal and
the Baltic states, wanted to link their electricity
market more closely with the rest of Europe
and asked for a binding interconnection target.
But they met with strong opposition from
France, which wanted to avoid an obligation to
link the Iberian Peninsula to its electricity mar-
ket. Therefore, not only the overarching target
architecture, but also satisfying individual inter-
ests played a role in finding a compromise for
the whole framework.
In the end, three classical mechanisms
of compromise-building in the European Council
were responsible for the outcome: a high degree
of ambiguity in the formulation of the conclu-
sions; the assurance of being able to change con-
clusions only through consensual intergovern-
mental decisions; as well as extensive financial
transfers and exemptions for the blocking states.
The drafting of compromise formulas in the
European Council is characterized by the princi-
ple that all participants have to be able to save
face at the end of the negotiations. This can
often be achieved only through a high degree of
ambiguity
in formulations that can allow for dif-
ferent interpretations.
For a majority of the Northern and Western
European Member States holding onto the tar-
get triad of emission reduction, expansion of
renewable energies, and increasing energy ef-
ficiency was of great importance in terms of the
reception of their respective national publics. In
the European Council conclusions, all three ar-
eas were treated with quantified targets (40
percent; 27 percent; 27 percent) and an “at
least” formula, which opens the floor for rais-
ing the target at a later date. For energy effi-
ciency, there was even the notice of a possible
change to 30 percent after an assessment in the
coming years. At the same time, the conclusions
also reflect the demands of the Central and
Eastern European Member States as well as the
United Kingdom because neither the renewa-
ble energy target nor the energy efficiency for-
mula will directly influence national decisions
on energy mix and national energy strategies.
Thus no direct implementation on member-
state level is foreseen. Also, the ambition of the
two targets is at the lower end of the spectrum
of negotiating positions – another concession
to the Central and Eastern European Member
States.
Similarly ambiguous is the text on the extent
to which decisions can be revised. The conclu-
sions include a review of the decisions of the
European Council after the climate conference
in Paris in December 2015 (COP 21). In North-
Western member states, this clause was mostly
interpreted as opening the way to increase the
minimum target of a 40 percent reduction in